Sunday, March 23, 2008

Royal Democracy in Bhutan

Tomorrow, Bhutan becomes a democracy. This event occurs through the active development and encouragement of the young, progressive monarch, King Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck, and especially his father, former King Jigme Singye Wangchuck. The latter introduced the idea of Gross National Happiness as a replacement for thinking of development in the reductive terms of GDP (here's a paper by colleague Carol Graham on the economics of happiness). The monarchy has decided that, in the best interests of the country, democratic government is a better form as long as democracy does not equal rampant, unfettered capitalism (as Americans often confuse the two).

As always regarding Bhutan, there are lessons to be learned for the rest of the world.
Two main political parties are vying for votes. They are the Druk Pheunsum Tshogpa, or DPT, with its slogan of "Growth with equity and justice," and the People's Democratic Party, or PDP, with the slogan "Service with humility. Walk the talk."

Analysts say there are few ideological differences between the two parties. And both have a leader who served two terms as prime minister under the monarchy. The head of the party that wins a majority of the 47 parliamentary seats will become the country's first elected prime minister.

One candidate accused his opponent's wife of donating a butter lamp, a traditional gift used to burn butter or oil, to a monastery to win the support of monks, who hold powerful sway in villages. Another candidate criticized the opposing party for its yellow campaign logo -- yellow is the royal family's color.

"We were very happy before this election, because the country was peaceful," said Thugi Dema, 50, as she chewed a clump of betel leaf that turned her teeth bright red. She flashed a button showing the king's face, pinned to her traditional dress. "We don't need this tiresome campaigning. It's not our culture."

Bhutan has been taking a prudent route towards both democracy and modernization. They're doing so with great intelligence, and the country is a fascinating study in economy managed by more important noneconomic values. But the strains on the society due to the introduction especially of television are like other countries and regions that have undergone rapid changes from traditional modes of life to consumerist societies driven by the neoclassical ideology of economic growth, especially the reproduction of consumer desires.

The Himalayan countries/regions - Bhutan, Nepal, Tibet, and Kashmir - are very special places on this planet. Places of great beauty, gentleness, and profoundly fascinating ideas of the good life crossed by violence (except, thus far, for Bhutan) and the uprooting of simple ways of life through the pressures of the global economy. From my tiny blogging perch, I wish Bhutan the greatest success.

[The Bhutanese photographer above, Thinley Namgyel, is a former student - a very sharp, interesting man working on environmental policy. Please pay his website a visit and check out the photos and links].

"Politics and the English Language" Phrase of the Day: "Operation Streamline"

In sorting through a week's worth of unchecked gmail this morning, I found a recommendation (from my friend Bob of Texas Prison Bidness) for this post, at Grits For Breakfast. The short version: "Operation Streamline" is, like a great deal of federal initiatives in the last eight years, both stupid and expensive:
When you hear folks advocating mass expulsions or "securing the border," whatever that means, what you rarely hear along with it is a discussion of opportunity costs. Personally, I'd rather the US Marshals stay focused on fugitive apprehension, and I don't want the federal courts to divert their attention from sex crimes and serious violent offenses. But that's what's happening thanks to the sheer volume of immigration cases flooding Texas' southern and western federal district courts.
We just returned late last night from seven days in Guatemala (and a short excursion into Chiapas), where we visited with -- and were very graciously hosted by -- the Preists, volunteers, and workers who administer the network of Scalabrinian Casas del Migrante. Assisting on a documentary project focused on the network of these houses in Mexico (Nuevo Laredo, Tijuana, Tapachula) and Guatemala (Guatemala City, Tecun Uman), we spent the week interviewing migrants from Honduras, Guatemala, Mexico, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, along with those dedicated to the Sclabrinian mission of providing some temporary comfort and security to them. I'll post more in coming days (if I can; I'm ill-prepared for a coming conference next weekend), especially after I have some photos developed (also included: fruit pictures).

Many of the migrants I talked to -- especially along the Mexico-Guatemala border in Tecun Uman and Tapachula -- are aware of "Operation Streamline." One told me he plans not to try to re-enter the United States as a result. Clamor for punishment of 'illegals' notwithstanding, deterrence is the goal of "Operation Streamline;" it's working for this guy, at least. Others, undeterred by the sentencing, understand that they represent profit to prison operators. They know Wackenhut, they know CCA. They think it's funny that we can't think of a better way to spend the payroll taxes they've paid than to put them in jail for a few months before deporting them to Central America.

The focus on financial costs as opposed to human costs (in both the Grits for Breakfast post and the Dallas Morning News article from which it is derived) is troubling and embarrassing. As usual, the economic argument means more to us than the ethically difficult realities that we're detaining people by the thousands, that their incarceration profits private corporations, that we are actively separating parents and children. I won't dispute that our focus on money suits us well; but many migrants among us understand the relationship between economies and human lives a great deal more deeply than those of us here in the States.

Saturday, March 22, 2008

Mp3 Find of the Day

Color me impressed. Check out The Bookworms' "The World Is Becoming a Wasteland" posted and downloadable at Music for Maniacs. Brilliant, sloppy (what do you expect? - they're like 9 years old) girl punk from the Rock & Roll Camp for Girls, a camp at which girls pick up instruments and learn to rock (check out the video at their site). Here's a review from someone who was at the 2004 camp show:
Some of the bands were definitely a little more coordinated than others, but a few of 'em were wonderful on their own--I especially loved the Bookworms, two VERY tiny girls whose song was called "The World Is Becoming a Wasteland" and sounded like the very early Germs....
Awesome!

"Show-shirt" photo by Chelsey Johnson

Jambu

Insane

This article makes out the insanity plea to be a matter of legal maneuvering. It's quite likely, however, that if he wasn't insane before, after his ongoing torture the mind of Abu Zubaydah is indeed mush. This is the only stated instance I know of in which US torture has led to actionable information (that is, other than generic statements from the administration about winning the war on terror through torture).
The president said that Abu Zubaydah's interrogations led agents to two other men now held with him at Guantánamo as senior al Qaeda captives -- reputed 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheik Mohammed, and his alleged deputy, Ramzi bin al Shibh.
That is, torture led to the capture of another terrorist. Is that the time bomb? Does that rise to the level of justifying an institution of torture?

And, by the way, recall this below (as well as an interview with Ron Suskind here: "We Tortured an Insane Man"):
..."I said he was important," Bush reportedly told Tenet at one of their daily meetings. "You're not going to let me lose face on this, are you?" "No sir, Mr. President," Tenet replied. Bush "was fixated on how to get Zubaydah to tell us the truth," Suskind writes, and he asked one briefer, "Do some of these harsh methods really work?" Interrogators did their best to find out, Suskind reports. They strapped Abu Zubaydah to a water-board, which reproduces the agony of drowning. They threatened him with certain death. They withheld medication. They bombarded him with deafening noise and harsh lights, depriving him of sleep. Under that duress, he began to speak of plots of every variety -- against shopping malls, banks, supermarkets, water systems, nuclear plants, apartment buildings, the Brooklyn Bridge, the Statue of Liberty. With each new tale, "thousands of uniformed men and women raced in a panic to each . . . target." And so, Suskind writes, "the United States would torture a mentally disturbed man and then leap, screaming, at every word he uttered."

Religion and Racism

Sam Harris on the religious side to Obama's race speech:

...The stultifying effect of religion is everywhere to be seen in the 2008 Presidential campaign. The faith of the candidates has been a constant concern in the Republican contest, of course--where John McCain, lacking the expected aura of born-again bamboozlement, has been struggling to entice some proper religious maniacs to his cause. He now finds himself in the compassionate embrace of Pastor John Hagee, a man who claims to know that a global war will soon precipitate the Rapture and the Second Coming of Jesus Christ (problem solved). Prior to McCain's ascendancy, we saw Governor Mitt Romney driven from the field by a Creationist yokel and his sectarian hordes. And this, despite the fact that the governor had been wearing consecrated Mormon underpants all the while, whose powers of protection are as yet unrecognized by Evangelicals.

Like every candidate, Obama must appeal to millions of voters who believe that without religion, most of us would spend our days raping and killing our neighbors and stealing their pornography. Examples of well-behaved and comparatively atheistic societies like Sweden, Finland, Norway, and Denmark--which surpass us in terrestrial virtues like education, health, public generosity, per capita aid to the developing world, and low rates of violent crime and infant mortality--are of no interest to our electorate whatsoever. It is, of course, good to know that people like Reverend Wright occasionally do help the poor, feed the hungry, and care for the sick. But wouldn't it be better to do these things for reasons that are not manifestly delusional? Can we care for one another without believing that Jesus Christ rose from the dead and is now listening to our thoughts?

Yes we can...

Friday, March 21, 2008

Tamarillo

Not Much of a Democracy

Here:
PERINO: So we believe that the president stood on his principle. He hasn't chased public opinion polls. He's aware of them, but he hasn't made decisions because of them, and I think there's a distinction. Just because you don't make decisions based on opinion polls doesn't mean you don't care what people think. We are all Americans. We care deeply about what people think.

REPORTER: The American people are being asked to die and pay for this, and you're saying they have no say in this war? ... [W]hat it amounts to is you saying we have no input at all.

PERINO: You had input. The American people have input every four years, and that's the way our system is set up.
And here:
The comment came in Amman, Jordan, during an interview with ABC News' Martha Raddatz, who prefaced a question to Cheney by saying, "Two-thirds of Americans say it's not worth fighting."

"So?" Cheney answered.

"So?" replied Raddatz. "You don't care what the American people think?"

"No," Cheney said. "I think you cannot be blown off course by the fluctuations in the public opinion polls."

Thursday, March 20, 2008

Nakbah Anniversary

I'm a day late marking the fifth anniversary of the Iraq invasion, but I can't let it pass without making a small effort to prevent the memory hole from becoming a black hole in which the very imperative of accountability disintegrates. I've said many times on this blog that the hawkish narrative about the Iraq War that things didn't go as expected in Iraq or the critics' narrative that the war is steeped in incompetence are both wildly incomplete. The former is a subtle attempt at forgetting inconvenient truths and precipitous reasoning, and the latter is flatly insufficient.

The fact remains that there was a clear choice about the invasion. One was supported by strong evidence, rational argument, reasonable conjecture, and - especially in hindsight, although they were well-informed at the time - accurate predictions. Combined with a reasonable prudence, demanded morally by any deliberations over war, all signs pointed away from an invasion as morally and politically sound policy. All of this went unheeded. The other version, supporting the invasion, was a fog of anger, propaganda, willful ignorance, wishful thinking, misinformation, bald deceit, petro-greed, and that curious Cold War legacy in Washington of perceiving the world as a gameboard in which the Middle East is prime property on which to place your tokens.

There are plenty of places to go to refresh the memory on the pre-war days, but I want to draw your attention to one in particular, Tony Karon's piece "Iraq, an American 'Nakbah'".

UPDATE:
Also worth a look is Spencer Ackerman's piece here.

Wednesday, March 19, 2008

Mamey Sapote

Patriots of the Authoritarian Wing

I had unfortunately allowed myself the brief fantasy that race wouldn't matter in this election. No,... rather that race would understandably matter for many African Americans watching the first black candidate with a serious shot at the presidency (similarly with Clinton and gender) and, on the other hand, those remaining racists who have an aversion to a particular color and "culture" not like them. Even if I and many others think that Obama's speech yesterday was as good as a speech on race can be in the American political climate, ideological partisans nonetheless could apparently see nothing of merit in it. That's an extraordinary blindness.

But it's precisely that ideologically-driven, religiously fervent blindness that will increase volume in the general election. The Republicans are licking their lips in anticipation of accusing yet another decent person of a lack of the same level of patriotism they have apparently defined for everyone else, recognizable by its superficial symbols and maudlin expressions. The patriots of the authoritarian wing are incapable of nuanced and intelligent discussions of patriotism informed by histories that aren't their own. Their world is apparently one in which no one dissents, no one holds views other than their own, and no one can truck any difference. The mass media hivemind is equally incapable of such discussions. Combine these two elements and you have the core of the coming Republican strategy, as well as the further debasement of the public political discourse. Ultimately, that's also the antithesis of patriotism.
Now, with the emergence of the notorious video portraying Rev. Jeremiah Wright damning the country, criticizing Israel, faulting U.S. policy for the attacks of Sept. 11 and generally lashing out against white America, GOP strategists believe they’ve finally found an antidote to Obamamania.

In their view, the inflammatory sermons by Obama’s pastor offer the party a pathway to victory if Obama emerges as the Democratic nominee. Not only will the video clips enable some elements of the party to define him as unpatriotic, they will also serve as a powerful motivating force for the conservative base.

Tuesday, March 18, 2008

Dammed Climate Change Effects

Xinhua / Landov
Very interesting.
The oceans are on average about 6.3 inches (16 centimeters) higher now than in 1930, when they started a noticeable upward climb. Melting glaciers and ice caps, along with ocean warming—water expands as it heats up—are the main culprits behind the increase.

But the new study shows that reservoirs are also an important factor. Rather than adding to sea-level rise, however, they have counteracted it by storing more water on land.

Since 1930 the storage of water has prevented a total of about 1.2 inches (3 centimeters) of sea-level rise.

Without dams, sea levels would have risen 30 percent more than they already have, according to research led by Benjamin Chao of National Central University in Taiwan.

(Via Pruned - and check out the Pruned piece and Alex Trevi's selection of photos from Desire Paths).

The Capital of Israel

US Republican presidential candidate John McCain said on Tuesday that he supported Israel's claim to Jerusalem as the capital of the Jewish state.

"I support Jerusalem as the capital of Israel," McCain said in Jordan on the latest leg of a visit to the region.

I heard George W. Bush say the exact same thing by live video address in 2000 at a giant AIPAC dinner meeting (don't ask) in Washington, DC. Every Republican presidential candidate says this. Every election year AIPAC falls for it. It is part of the quadrennial peacock dance between the US and the Likud.

Iraqi Deaths

A very good analysis in The Guardian of the numbers on Iraq.

Alas for Bush and Blair, most statisticians do not support their case. Nor can any journalist or other independent witness who has seen the pain of the bereaved still living in post-invasion Iraq or the millions who have escaped to Jordan and Syria. Estimates of the Iraqi deaths caused by Saddam's regime amount to a maximum of one million over a 35-year period (100,000 Kurds in the Anfal campaign in the 1980s; 400,000 in the war against Iran; 100,000 Shias in the suppressed uprising of 1991; and an unknown number executed in his prisons and torture chambers). Averaged over his time in power, the annual rate does not exceed 29,000.

Only the conservatively calculated Iraq Body Count death toll credits the occupation with an average annual rate that is less than that - some 18,000 deaths in the five years so far. Every other source, from the WHO to the surveys of Iraqi households, puts the average well above the Saddam-era figure [ed. from a total of 100,000 to over one million]. Those who claim Saddam's toppling made life safer for Iraqis have a lot of explaining to do.

Deformed Conscience

Thoreau, of Unqualified Offerings:
The media doesn’t invite the Flat Earth Society to “discuss the controversy” every time they show a picture of the globe. They don’t invite a North Korean official to argue that his country isn’t a shithole when they want to do a story on North Korea. They don’t invite NAMBLA to offer an opposing perspective when somebody is accused of child molestation. And they don’t give a guest column in leading publications to a cheerleader for the Libyan regime. Yet when somebody wants to show up and argue that Iraq is a success story, that torture (fricking torture!) is OK, that unchecked executive power is just peachy, they invite that person onto the show and thank him. Instead of reporting the abuses of power they treat the apologists as honored guests...

...At some point you have to say that an idea has been sufficiently discredited that it’s time to move on and stop treating its proponents like the Serious People that they insist they are. As long as the worst ideas in circulation are treated as Serious, it’s impossible to hold their proponents accountable because what they do is not a crime but merely a controversial decision.
Yeah - there's a very good point here. But let me take this briefly in a somewhat different direction.

Consider that the prohibition of torture, for instance, is a basic peremptory norm (jus cogens) under international law (along with slavery, genocide, and others). Peremptory norms are the most fundamental norms of international conduct, and any normative stability that exists to international law in the absence of a global legal system and mechanisms for enforcing it. Peremptory norms are such that they are widely agreed and allow for no violation of the rule underlying the law. In other words, if there is anything institutional at the international level that functions like universally agreed morality it is jus cogens.

That
is what the US has violated and whose defenders the media trots into the public discourse as if that which is beyond law and morality has a place in the public discourse of a any decent society. The conscience of the polity, as a result, is deformed.

Obama's Race Speech

Brilliant. I'm saying this because it was the best speech on race - intelligent, nuanced, and rhetorically sparkling - perhaps since King and Malcolm. Because Obama gave a speech that no other politician would be courageous enough to touch, demonstrating again why he is far beyond the candidate and even person that Hillary Clinton and John McCain are. Because he just transcended the whole damn stupid discussion we've been having for the past few campaign weeks about "the race issue." And because this speech was not only a political speech intended to do campaign damage-control but a genuine and eloquent contribution to the deeper discussion of race and racism in the United States.

For the first time in my life, I have the opportunity to vote not simply for who can defeat the nominee from the other party - how John Kerry's candidacy felt for me - but the opportunity to elect a person who I truly want to become president.

Here's the video and text.

UPDATE:

Andrew Sullivan
:
I have never felt more convinced that this man's candidacy - not this man, his candidacy - and what he can bring us to achieve - is an historic opportunity. This was a testing; and he did not merely pass it by uttering safe bromides. He addressed the intimate, painful love he has for an imperfect and sometimes embittered man. And how that love enables him to see that man's faults and pain as well as his promise. This is what my faith is about. It is what the Gospels are about. This is a candidate who does not merely speak as a Christian. He acts like a Christian.

Sunday, March 16, 2008

A Cornucopia of Sunday Links

Image: CCTV/Agence France-Presse
David Bromwich on "Euphemism and American Violence" in the NY Review of Books.
This complacency suggests a new innocence—the correlative in moral psychology of euphemism in the realm of language. And if you take stock of how little general discussion there has been of the advisability of pursuing the global war on terrorism, you realize that this country has scarcely begun to take stock of the United States as an ambiguous actor on the world stage. Those who said, in the weeks just after the September 11 attacks, that the motives of the terrorists might be traced back to some US policies in the Middle East were understandably felt to have spoken unseasonably. The surprising thing is that six and a half years later, when a politic reticence is no longer the sole order of the day, discussion of such matters is still confined to academic studies like Chalmers Johnson's Blowback and Robert A. Pape's Dying to Win,[3] and has barely begun to register in The New York Times, in The Washington Post, or on CNN or MSNBC. Ask an American what the United States may have to do with much of the world's hostility toward us and you will find educated people saying things like "They hate the West and resent modernity," or "They hate the fact that we're so free," or "They hate us because this is a country where a man and a woman can look at each other across a table with eyes of love." Indeed, the single greatest propaganda victory of the Bush administration may be the belief shared by most Americans that the rise of radical Islam—so-called Islamofascism— has nothing to do with any previous actions by the United States.
In the LA Times, Philip Jenkins on the possible rise of homegrown terrorism (and for ongoing discussion, see David Neiwert's tireless work at Orcinus).

At Foreign Policy TV, FBI interrogator Jack Cloonan on interrogation methods.

The riots in Tibet against Han Chinese rule are spreading to other provinces. Reporting and images are tightly controlled throughout the country. The Dalai Lama calls for an international investigation into the "cultural genocide" of Tibet.

Via Andrew Sullivan, World Politics notes that the Bush regime just became even more centralized,

In a move that seems to have flown under the radar, President Bush issued an Executive Order on Friday, February 29, that transformed the Clinton-era President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board into the President's Intelligence Advisory Board. The White House maintained that the board maintains its independence under the new order, but as a general rule, it's a safe bet to be skeptical of Executive Orders issued on a Friday.

Most of the changes made to the board's function remove the teeth from the board's oversight capacity, thereby consolidating the White House's control over intelligence oversight.

Shifting gears... Bill Reagan suggests presidential candidates ride the bus in order to get to know the US.
Commuter buses are cluttered with white collars, blue collars, suits, stoners, hippies, teenage parents, college kids and just about every other personality a casting agent could envision, and while it’s one thing to say, “I know there are other people in this city”, it’s quite another to sit thigh-to-thigh with them on a molded plastic seat. In our private lives we all tend to congregate with like-minded friends, which can cause us to forget that there are other types of people in the world, people whose values and manners are vastly different than our own: The bus is crowded with such reminders every day.
Guest writer, Alexandra Huddleston, reports on her Fulbright work in Mali at Whirled View.
...by my last months in Timbuktu, I couldn’t walk half a block without an acquaintance waving, without a friend pausing to pass the time of day, or without the kids yelling “photo!” begging me to take their picture. Indeed, I learned what all citizens of the town knew: which back alleys to take if I was in a hurry, so I’d actually make a meeting on time, without too many cordial delays.
Ffffound image of the day:

The Eight Fundamentals of the Washington Consensus

Tom Engelhardt on the "Washington Consensus" on the Iraq War:
In mainstream Washington, hardly anyone has taken a step outside the box of conventional, inside-the-Beltway thinking about Iraq, which is why it's possible to imagine March 19, 2009 with some confidence. For them, the Washington consensus, such as it is, is the only acceptable one and the disagreements within it, the only ones worth having. And here are its eight fundamentals:

*A belief that effective U.S. power must invariably be based on the threat of, or use of, dominant force, and so must centrally involve the U.S. military.

*A belief that all answers of any value are to be found in Washington among the serried ranks of officials, advisors, former officials, pundits, think-tank operators, and other inside-the-Beltway movers and shakers, who have been tested over the years and found never to have a surprise in them. Most of them are notable mainly for having been wrong so often. This is called "experience."

*A belief that the critics of Washington policy outside Washington and its consensus are, at best, gadflies, never worth seriously consulting on anything.

*A belief that the American people, though endlessly praised in political campaigns, are know-nothings who couldn't think their way out of a proverbial paper bag when it comes to the supposedly arcane science of foreign policy, and so would certainly not be worth consulting on "national security" matters or issues involving the sacred "national interest," which is, in any case, the property of Washington. Like Iraqis and Afghans, the American people need good (or even not so good) shepherds in the national capital to answer that middle-of-the-night ringing phone and rescue them from impending harm. (The very foolishness of Americans can be measured by opinion polls which indicated that a majority of them had decided by 2005 that all American troops should be brought home from Iraq at a reasonable speed and that the U.S. should not have permanent military bases in that country.)

*A belief that no other countries (or individuals elsewhere) have anything significant or original to offer when it comes to solving problems like the situation in Iraq (unless, of course, they agree with us). They are to be ignored, insists the Bush administration, or, say leading Democrats, "talked to" and essentially corralled into signing onto, and carrying out, the solutions we consider reasonable.

*A belief that local peoples are incapable of solving their own problems without the intercession of, or the guiding hand (or Hellfire missile) of, Washington, which means, of course, of the U.S. military.

*A belief that the United States -- whatever the problem -- must be an essential part of the solution, not part of the problem itself.

*And finally, a belief (though no one would ever say this) that the lives of those children of George Bush's wars of choice, already of an age to be given their first lessons in global "realism," don't truly matter, not when the Great Game of geopolitics and energy is at stake.

Dead on.

Wright Links

  • Andrew Sullivan posts Jeremiah Wright's full "Audacity to Hope" sermon from 1990.
  • Obama's church accuse the media of character assassination.
  • Columbia Journalism Review points out - yet again - the double standard regarding media treatment of Obama's pastor and meida treatment of McCain's truly crazy "spiritual guide," Rod Parsley. Not to mention Pastor John Hagee. Frankly, Wright has said a few questionable things, at least for sensitive media and über-patriot tastes. But his criticisms are directed at actually existing problems. Parsley's and Hagee's agendas are far-right ideological programs against people not like them, often calling for the use of violence.
  • Jonathan Schwarz decides he kind of likes Wright.
  • Dennis Perrin says this:
Jeremiah Wright's supposedly inflammatory statements about 9/11 and the ongoing specter of racism are uncontroversial to those following the real world. We live in horrific, corrupt times, and while I don't agree with everything Wright says, he's certainly not speaking fiction, primarily when it comes to American foreign policy. We are hated not so much for our freedoms, such as they are, but specifically for our mass murder, our torture, our occupations. There are other, cultural elements that are part of the overall mix, yet they are doubtless secondary to those seeking refuge from our cluster bombs and client armies. Wright's sermons about reaping what you sow is nothing new, especially in the Christian tradition. But to hear cable chatters and assorted reactionaries tell it, such time-honored concepts don't apply to the United States. The God who watches over us and guides our trigger-happy hand excuses any and all slaughter committed in His Holy Name. He wouldn't have endorsed that song about how He blesses us were the opposite the case.

I've been pretty hard on the Obama campaign, and still am; but if anything would soften my view, it's this bullshit furor over Jeremiah Wright. If you are white and don't listen to black talk radio, now would be a good time to start. Wright's opinions are not deemed crazy there, and you'll hear much stronger denunciations of imperialism and racism than you ever will on a white liberal's show. Sure, some dementia is present: this is America, after all. But contrast the opinions exchanged between African-Americans to those expressed on the corporate kabuki programs, or worse, white reactionary broadcasts. Which do you think is closer to what's actually going on?

Saturday, March 15, 2008

A President With a Mind

The eminent legal scholar Cass Sunstein testifies in this Chicago Tribune article to Obama's strength as an intellect (via Sullivan).
In about 20 minutes, he and I investigated the legal details. He asked me to explore all sorts of issues: the president's power as commander in chief, the Constitution's protection against unreasonable searches and seizures, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the Authorization for Use of Military Force and more.

Obama wanted to consider the best possible defense of what Bush had done. To every argument I made, he listened and offered a counterargument. After the issue had been exhausted, Obama said he thought the program was illegal, but now had a better understanding of both sides. He thanked me for my time...

This is the Barack Obama I have known for nearly 15 years -- a careful and evenhanded analyst of law and policy, unusually attentive to multiple points of view.

French Prejudice Towards Obama?

Jim Johnson at Politics, Theory and Photography posts this image that accompanies an article on the US presidential race in the French popular economics magazine Enjeux-Les Echos. The article is titled, "After Bush: Financial Crisis, Social Fragmentation, Immigration, Environment: Why America Must Reinvent Itself." (Jim translates it as "...should reinvent itself." That's wrong, and the difference is subtle, but perhaps meaningful. The conditional should would be "Pourquoi l'Amerique devrait...").

Jim, another blog (Lens Culture) from which he got the image, and the commentors at Jim's place all find the image patronizing, if not racist. I don't see it, and I commented as much at Jim's blog. One common interpretation seems to be that the image plays on the theme in the US political campaigns that Barack Obama is inexperienced and so on, and then rubs it in by portraying him as a boy, and even as a "boy," as Southerners interpret the term. That would be particularly offensive, but French readers or editors at least aren't likely to interpret the cover in those terms.

As for Jim, after comparing the image to earlier UNICEF images published in Germany (here) showing children in blackface, he says,
In this instance as in that, what seems troubling is less intention than thoughtlessness. That does not make the cover less troubling, it merely shifts the grounds for objecting to it.

At present we in the U.S. have what many consider the first serious black candidate contending for the presidency. We also have the first serious woman candidate contending for the position. The latter has repeatedly criticized the former on grounds that he is relatively 'inexperienced.' I myself think those charges are baseless at best. At less than best they trade on both fearmongering and on racist stereotypes of blacks as naive and childlike. This magazine cover, in my view, trades on precisely the same patronizing and paternalistic stereotypes.
We all agree that the Clinton campaign has made use of racist stereotypes. While this is execrable, I don't see how it's the issue here unless, perhaps, the editors of Enjeux-Les Echos are Clinton fans. Not having access to the actual article, I have to set that aside. I do read French newspapers regularly, and - anecdotally-speaking - I haven't gotten a sense that the subtle racist tweaking in the US campaign has seeped into the minds of French readers. That doesn't mean that the magazine isn't trying to create these themes; simply, that it would be difficult to say one way or the other. The comparison to the blackface images, however, sets up a further interpretation of the above cover not implicit in the image itself. (I wonder also whether the fact that this is a French magazine plays a role particularly in American interpretations.).

For example, if I show you this UNICEF-Germany image first:

And then I show you the magazine cover at the top of this post, your impression of the Après-Bush cover will be much different than if I show you the following image and then the Après-Bush cover.

Bracketing out the image comparisons, which do too much over-determining work on the original image in question, I see the Après-Bush image as saying something more like this: Boy=youth=future. Note that the commentors all focus primarily on the boy being black, not that he is primarily a boy, nor even an apparently patriotic boy. If we want to take particular notice of this boy being black, we might interpret the image as saying something like this: after Bush and his cronies, with all their disasters, the US has to move to a different vision of the future on a number of fronts. This future will be multiracial, multicultural because, after all, America is a pluralistic society. (Note also the patriotic buttons on the lapel. In a curious twist, Obama, remember, doesn't wear lapel flag pins and this has raised the hackles of the simpleton-patriots). I see the cover even as implying that Bush's vision of America was overly white or non-pluralistic. The contrast is with the Bush years, after all, and the man is hated worldwide. What do you see?

Apparently, the magazine article spends little time discussing Obama. But that might be unimportant in interpreting the image itself. Maybe Jim's right and the Après-Bush image plays on the stereotypes we're dealing with in the US campaign. I think the whole thing, however, raises a number of interesting issues, not only about our typical American manhandling of the role of race in American society and politics.

Many in the US aspire to "colorblindness" in American institutions. That's the very soul of American liberalism when it comes to racial identity, the core philosophical grounds of the American founders, even if their historical context was one of slavery and overt racism. The logic of the liberalism of "all men are created equal," is more powerful than the historically contingent nature of Jim Crow. But Americans do have that terrible history that required not only the prohibition of slavery, but also a civil rights movement nearly 200 years after the inception of the country. Today, even if we're not racists, all of our perceptions of races different than our own and the issue of race itself are colored by that history. The colorblindness of the liberal institutional ideal is nevertheless enmeshed in a history colored in glaring hues. Apart from a few superficial biological distinctions like color, race is largely a cultural construct, after all. But cultures and histories are powerful things and, crucially, provide the background framework through which we interpret the world, for better and worse. This is ineluctable. With some hard work, we reshape and reconstruct bits and pieces of that background framework in the face of contingent events, experience, learning, and so on. The US, like many countries, has inherited a terrible part of its history that is taking and will take a long time to overcome.

What's fascinating about the case of this particular image is that the interpretations and discussion are built upon another axis as well. This is a French magazine. The US has just gone through a period in which the public discourse was filled with expressions and images of hatred towards the French as an entire people (the same dynamic as racism). On the other hand, the French have just gone through a period of suffering that abuse, while at the same time very often being guilty of their own insulting stereotypes of Americans. We all peel one layer of scales from our eyes only to find another.

The Economist

Dani Rodrik, the economist, on why he doesn't read The Economist.
Call it a one-man boycott of ideology that masquerades too often as journalism.

Rambutan

Friday, March 14, 2008

Climate Change and Saving the Grandkids

An economist discusses the kinds of economistic arguments about climate change that you might expect from some quarters, almost always American. That is, if short-term costs exceed longer-term benefits, then mitigation and adaptation efforts are probably not worth it. Screw the grandkids.

Assuming our grandchildren’s welfare is just as valuable as our own provides a metric to measure the value of investments for the future: devoting X percent of the current generation’s income to forestall global warming would be a good deal if it produced a benefit amounting to more than X percent of that future generation’s income.

Such notions of intergenerational equity underpin the 2006 Stern Review on the Economics of Climate Change, a British study that marked a turning point in the debate, stressing the enormous cost of delaying preventive action. It projected that avoiding large-scale environmental damage, starting in the second half of this century, justified starting to spend immediately 1 percent of the world’s income — about $700 billion this year — to cut carbon emissions.

However, farsightedness, as in saving for a rainy day, went out of fashion a long time ago. People often sacrifice the future to the present. We may love our children and grandchildren. But since they can’t vote, we stiff them in the public sphere: poverty is deeper among children than the elderly, yet public spending on the elderly vastly outstrips spending on the young. In Florida, “I’m spending my children’s inheritance” is a popular bumper sticker. Even among very green Western Europeans, polls show that the older people get, the less they are willing to pay to reduce carbon emissions....

Skeptics have used these arguments to make a case against aggressive efforts to address global warming. A group of respected, mainly American economists signed the so-called Copenhagen Consensus, stating that efforts to address global warming, such as the Kyoto Protocol, had “costs that were likely to exceed the benefits.” It was better to spend money on some of the world’s other pressing problems.

Of course, if the costs exceed the benefits of, say, genuinely trying to solve global hunger, or to eradicate malaria, or to ensure clean water, then they're not worth doing either. These "pressing problems" hardly ever end up pressing enough to fit cost-benefit schemes because many of the values in question cannot be captured in quantitative terms, or because certain human lives are discounted vis-à-vis other human lives. The future - given rising uncertainty the further we go into it - is always discounted vis-à-vis the present. So, the general climate change argument, depending as it does on some sense of responsibility to the future, faces an uphill battle from the get-go if our only tool of analysis is cost-benefit. That battle is simply assumed into the models.

The author of the piece suggests this at the end,
The best case for bold action now is that it provides insurance against the chance of an unfathomably grim future of large-scale environmental disruption, widespread species extinction, worldwide hunger. All of that might come to pass if the world chooses to do nothing. Averting that kind of future is worth quite a lot of investment today.
But how does that serve as a reason for economists, the ones who have an inordinately (and unjustifiably) tight grasp over policy questions in the US government? It doesn't. The disaster scenario has a fairly high level of plausibility, specious accusations against supposed liberal, environmental fear-mongering notwithstanding (here and here and here, for example). These people use the language of "environmentalists are..." when what is really meant - though they may not know it themselves - is "a few of my straw man environmentalists are...." Good arguments depend upon charitableness towards opponents' views - none of these come close. The real philosophical, ethical, scientific, and even economic debates are more sophisticated, complex, and momentous.

The author of the present article, in the end, makes a series of ethical claims. We can attach economic importance to them - environmental disruption also entails economic losses - but they are nonetheless primarily ethical. Yet, here we are, generally poor deliberators, having subsumed ethical deliberation under the category of diminishing investment returns for so long that we've impoverished our own capacity to try make sense of and wise decisions about the future. And that's really odd because without a robust future, whether short or long term, our lives are pretty pointless.

Rawls on Baseball

Yes, the great philosopher makes a few observations about the great game.
...the rules of the game are in equilibrium: that is, from the start, the diamond was made just the right size, the pitcher’s mound just the right distance from home plate, etc., and this makes possible the marvelous plays, such as the double play. The physical layout of the game is perfectly adjusted to the human skills it is meant to display and to call into graceful exercise. Whereas, basketball, e.g., is constantly (or was then) adjusting its rules to get them in balance.

Obama's Mom

Here's a lovely little article in the IHT on Barack Obama's mother. What an interesting woman. And note not only what she accomplished and thought, but also the historical context in which she did it.

Wednesday, March 12, 2008

Torture Is Bad

Washington Monthly does a special series of brief statements against torture mostly by political figures. I suppose this is a good thing, generally-speaking, because many of the writers are high-profile government figures. But, frankly, the statements are rather hackneyed.

Kurt Vonnegut Chases a Dog

Darfur Update

The conflict in Darfur has entered a violent and deadly new phase. Another "scorched earth" policy is being unleashed, reminiscent of the worst waves of government-backed violence that brought the Sudanese region to world attention five years ago and led the US to declare that what was happening there constituted genocide.

Internal reports by humanitarian agencies operating in the region, and seen by The Independent, reveal that the active Sudanese government-backed military phase of the conflict, thought to have ended early in 2005, has resumed, with horrifying consequences.

The brutal new onslaught is centred on western Darfur where clusters of villages have been aerially bombed and, in co-ordinated ground attacks, homes have been looted and burnt to the ground. Hundreds of people are believed to have been killed and tens of thousands forced to flee into neighbouring Chad.

"The tactics are exactly the same as those the government pursued right at the start of this conflict: aerial bombings, followed by sending in the militias to loot, kill and rape," said one source in Sudan. "It is as ruthless as in 2003."

Martina Navratilova Defects

What goes around.... The magic must be over.

OCCRP

My old friend Drew Sullivan has brought one of his projects online, the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project. It's a major project aimed at generating greater transparency especially in the Balkans and Eastern Europe. An invaluable tool for those interested in the region.
Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) is a joint program of the Center for Investigative Reporting in Sarajevo, Romanian Center for Investigative Journalism, Bulgarian Investigative Journalism Center and a network of investigative journalists in Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, Moldova, Ukraine, Russia and Georgia.

The aim of OCCRP is to provide in-depth investigative stories as well as the latest news pertaining to organized crime and corruption activities in the South East European Region. In addition to the stories, OCCRP is building an online resource center of documents related to organized crime including court records, laws, reports, studies, company records, etc that will be an invaluable resource center for the journalists and public alike.

The Magic Is Over

Bernard Kouchner, the foreign minister of France and a longtime humanitarian, diplomatic and political activist on the international scene, says that whoever succeeds President George W. Bush in the White House may restore something of America's battered image and standing overseas, but "the magic is over."...

Asked whether the United States could repair the damage it has suffered to its reputation during the Bush presidency and especially since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, Kouchner replied, "It will never be as it was before."

"I think the magic is over," he continued. U.S. military power remains, he noted, and the new president "will decide what to do - there are many means to reestablish the image." But even that, he predicted, "will take time."

Kouchner began the 90-minute event with a speech that emphasized that "there is not just a new diplomacy, there is a new world."

Maybe it was always smoke and mirrors.

Tuesday, March 11, 2008

New Sins!

In olden days, the deadly sins included lust, gluttony and greed. Now, the Catholic Church says pollution, mind-damaging drugs and genetic experiments are on its updated thou-shalt-not list. Also receiving fresh attention by the Vatican was social injustice, along the lines of the age-old maxim: "The rich get richer while the poor get poorer."

Monday, March 10, 2008

Saturday, March 08, 2008

Circular Firing Line

Nicolaus Mills, writing in Dissent, tells Hillary and Barack to get over identity politics.
“How do liberals form a firing line? They get themselves in a circle?” the old political joke goes. There is, unfortunately, no remedy for how liberals avoid suicidal politics. But in the wake of Texas and Ohio, there is a reality check that Democrats might want to make. They should start by remembering that once Clinton and Obama began college, they lost their personal claims to victimhood. They have both had elite educations and early access to the highest circles of power. Wellesley, Yale, Columbia, Harvard, these are the schools that have nourished Clinton and Obama. Just as there is no crying in baseball, as Tom Hanks reminded us in A League of their Own, there should be no crying over the obstacles Clinton and Obama have had to overcome since they turned eighteen.

But most of all, what liberals and those running the Clinton and Obama campaigns need to remember is that the only winner in a destructive, identity-politics Democratic primary will be a Republican party that ever since the 1960s has done its best to defend the rich and the powerful and undermine civil rights gains for blacks, women, and immigrants.
That's right. And I think the recently-late Richard Rorty got it right in his terrific book, Achieving Our Country. Worth looking at again, candidates.

Weird Realism

A discussion of Harman, Heidegger, and Latour at Frieze.
Whereas continental philosophy has turned endlessly, and increasingly fruitlessly, around problems of human consciousness and language, Harman, along with a small group of other ‘speculative realist’ philosophers, including Ray Brassier and Quentin Meillassoux, is fascinated by non-human worlds, by the interactions of dust mites in a carpet as much as by the dark sides of planets on which no human foot will ever tread. Harman asks us to stop being anxious about what an object means for us, the way in which it is supposedly constructed and constituted by our minds, and consider the object itself, alluring in its partial opacity. He calls his work ‘weird realism’, and wants to attune us to the strangeness of objects once they are liberated from commonsense’s somnambulant gaze...

Deconstruction in particular preached against making definitive judgements about texts or artworks, favouring strategies of deferral and equivocation that suspended interpretative closure. The ostensible motivation for these evasions was a reverence for the irreducible complexities of the text. But instead of illuminating cultural objects, this often only obscured them; rather than engaging with the object, theory was induced into interminable meditations on how it was impossible to write about it. Harman shows that any encounter with an object must caricature it – but it is only through such caricaturing that a glimpse of the object’s hidden richness can be gleaned.

Great Betrayal

Scott Horton:
...And all this simply clears the path for Bush’s shining act of glory set for later today. He will veto the intelligence authorizations act of 2008 because it clarifies, for the third or fourth time now, that acts of torture are a violation of the law. But George W. Bush is the law, and he will not hear any differently from this Congress. Indeed, Bush’s claim to be the law is manifested in one thing above all others, and that is his power to torture. By defending and upholding this right, Bush shows that unlike generations of predecessors in the White House, he is King. He sets the law, and his will determines how it will be enforced and against whom. That is his own, very personal vision of “justice,” measured in terms of personal prerogative and power. Torture is the measure and definition of his authority as a President with monarchical pretense.

So Bush will veto the latest anti-torture legislation, and it will have no effect. Or rather, his veto will be cited as yet another instance in which his personal will triumphs over the Law.

The curtain continues to fall over American democracy. Americans understandably are sickened by the tragi-comedy that spreads itself across this stage. But their faith in another presidential election and another leader is misplaced. They need to reserve their faith not for the new, but for the old: for the constitutional model that the Founders left. It needs to be forced to work. And all those who undermine it must be held to account. That includes the should-be watchdogs, who slobbering at the prospect of a few drug-drenched sirloins hurled their way, are failing in their duty to protect their true masters: the American people.

Friday, March 07, 2008

Mp3 Find of the Day

Not exactly a "find," since he's already found, and I already listen to his music. Matt Gangi played his intriguing psych-folk-electro-pop here in DC at The Red & The Black on Wednesday night. Matt kindly invited me along for music, drinks, and a chat before he headed on to Austin and SXSW. I was stuck with other obligations. Next time for sure, Matt.

For now, pick up Matt's song "Animals," courtesy of 5 Acts, and his SXSW schedule. Visit his MySpace here.

Camu camu Seeds

New Branding Needed

There's no way to put this delicately, so I won't: America's global image is in the crapper. Last year, the BBC World Service conducted a poll of over 26,000 individuals in the world's 25 largest countries and found that more than 52 percent thought the U.S. had a "mostly negative" influence on the world. Fifty-three percent of respondents to a survey by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs felt America could "not be trusted."...

"The virulent strain of anti-Americanism we're seeing now can be ascribed directly to the fact that we've reneged on our promise to the world," says Dick Martin, former executive vice president of public relations for AT&T, and author of the book "Rebuilding Brand America." "That's why it's ultimately a branding problem. At its root, a brand is a promise. KFC is a brand that promises finger-lickin'-good chicken; America is a brand that promises life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. But unlike KFC, we're not delivering."...

"From Day One, Obama was talking about how we have to think outside of the Beltway box -- how we need to enact positive change in a fresh way," says Siegel + Gale's Alan Siegel. "His brand is about uplift, it's about humanity; he uses the pronoun 'we' so naturally. People knock him for style over substance, but the truth is that he just has a tremendous ability to cut through the noise. He's distilled his brand proposition into a single theme, 'authentic change,' and it has resonated with people both here and abroad."

While change -- the notion of a break with the past -- is central to Obama's brand essence, the other values he incorporates are no less important. "Obama represents a lot of what America stands for, at its best: Diversity, opportunity, community," says Dick Martin. "I don't think it's a coincidence that when asked about his qualifications, he talks about being a community organizer; he's emphasizing that his experience is in bringing people together. I think, strictly from the point of view of changing attitudes towards America around the world, electing him is the most powerful thing we could do. He's the embodiment of the American dream. Having him as president would say to the rest of the world that America has renewed its promise."

Cartoon Characters

Steve G:
If Obama is Bugs and Clinton is Daffy, who else is who? Bill Clinton, it seems to me, has made himself into Yosemite Sam. Confused, Maybe Not, I believe was correct when he said that John McCain is Elmer Fudd. Joe Biden would be my nominee for Foghorn Leghorn and Dennis Kucinich would be the little smart chicken with glasses who accompanies him. Marvin the Martian, too easy, Ron Paul. Rudy Giulliani as Wile E. Coyote? Not sold on that one. Chris Matthews = Tazmanian Devil. George W. Bush must be Pepe Le Pew.

Monkey Sculpture

What the times call for. Here, via WFMU.

Who Would Win in a Fight?

Rob Farley poses a crucial question.

Vs. ....

Two Views About the Campaign

Peter Levine:

One view says that what's wrong with America is the Bush Administration and its allies among Republicans and conservative groups. They really messed up the country through some unprecedented combination of malice and incompetence. To solve that problem, they need to be defeated, and it has to be clear that the voters have rejected them. (That way, they won't just bounce back for another round). The ideal Democratic candidate is someone who represents a restoration of the situation before 2000, and none better than the wife of the last Democratic president. Further, Senator Clinton is thought to be especially tough and skillful in the face of the politics of personal destruction, which (according to this viewpoint) is the specialty of today's Republicans.

This view is reinforced by: examples of Republican malfeasance, polls showing George Bush's unpopularity, and evidence of Senator Clinton's tactical/managerial skills. This view is undermined by: examples of social problems and bad government under Democrats, surveys showing a public desire for reconciliation, and doubts about Senator Clinton's public appeal or political skills.

The alternate view says that what's wrong with America started well before 2000 and implicates the whole class of political leaders, Democrats and Republicans (although not necessarily to the same degree). This whole class has lost the confidence and support of Americans because of unproductive conflict in Washington and because leaders haven't called on--or even permitted--Americans to participate in solving our problems. The best president to bring about reconciliation would be a newcomer to the national scene, someone with experience in the nonprofit world, a progressive with the ability to understand and respect conservative views and a message of empowerment. Senator Obama fits the bill.

This second view is reinforced by: new voters entering politics to support Obama, the resonance of his message, and evidence that we could address important social problems through popular participation and broad, cross-partisan dialog. This view is undermined by: doubts that Senator Obama's appeal is broad, evidence of unbridgeable gaps within the public, or arguments that Obama is only popular because of his personal charisma, which may prove evanescent.

Save Samantha Power

Everybody has now heard that Samantha Power, key foreign affairs advisor to Barack Obama, has resigned after referring to Hillary Clinton as a "monster" in an interview with The Scotsman. The intemperate remark was supposed to be off the record, but The Scotsman burned her publicly anyway. Here's what she said in the interview that led to the Hillary Clinton campaign's call for her head:
We fucked up in Ohio. In Ohio, they are obsessed and Hillary is going to town on it, because she knows Ohio's the only place they can win. She is a monster, too – that is off the record – she is stooping to anything... Here, it looks like desperation. I hope it looks like desperation there, too... You just look at her and think, 'Ergh'. But if you are poor and she is telling you some story about how Obama is going to take your job away, maybe it will be more effective. The amount of deceit she has put forward is really unattractive.
True. (And here she is, now playing the xenophobia card).

Opinions are flying around the internets regarding whether Power should have resigned. On one hand, of course, campaigns play dirty, period. Both certainly have nasty things to say about each other, but there's a difference between doing so in public, doing so in private, and doing so in public but in more veiled terms. The fact that Power said this in an interview - even if she tried to back out of the remark by calling it off the record - is a really politically unsavvy move. As a strong believer in the urgent rhetorical necessity of applying a hearty "fuck off!" on occasion, I understand. But I'm also from what Josh Marshall refers to as the academic/policy world rather than the political/policy world, the former in which he locates Power. Living in the latter world constrains one's public expressions to the head of a pin.

The Clinton campaign did what it must do as a political animal (or... monster?), and it leapt to the ramparts. Power may have done what she had to do by resigning. But here's the problem, summarized by Matthew Yglesias,
So thinking a bit more reflectively about this Samantha Power business, I'm pretty pissed off. Sure, you can rail against the perfidy of the Clintons, but this sort of ritualized calls for resignations is all in the game. Having her resign, by contrast, is just playing the game poorly. Remember when fresh strategic thinking and common sense were going to break with the conventional wisdom? I do. The "monster" business was a dumb thing to say, and certainly the kind of thing you apologize for, but no kind of indication that she was a bad person to get foreign policy advice from.
Power is a law professor at the Kennedy School, a Pulitzer Prize winner (for "A Problem from Hell": America and the Age of Genocide), and an active journalist. Plenty of plaudits. But she's also a serious advocate of human rights and eloquent activist against genocide. Her scholarly work is solid and it's driven by deeper moral sensibilities. In effect, she's exactly the kind of advisor we might hope a campaign would hire. Even Richard Holbrooke, advisor to Clinton, thinks so (from a June 2007 Vogue article speaking precisely to Power's attempts at dealing with Beltway politics),
Richard Holbrooke, Power's friend and rival of sorts—he has declared his support for Hillary Clinton for president—says that "Obama is very fortunate to have her." When Holbrooke was the U.S. special envoy to the Balkans and hashing out the Dayton peace accord in 1995, he received insistent messages from Power, then a first-year law student at Harvard. She was pleading for the release of David Rohde, a Christian Science Monitor correspondent who had gone on a solo border-crossing expedition into Bosnia and been arrested. "Here was this tall redhead of enormous passion," Holbrooke says of Power. "I can name you only a handful of journalists with that commitment: Newsday's Roy Gutman, who won the Pulitzer. He was the guy who really uncovered the genocide in Bosnia. Christiane Amanpour, when she was in the Balkans for CNN. David Halberstam in Vietnam. There are very few voices like that."
And then this, also from Holbrooke,
She will always face the risk that more bureaucratically minded players—I'm picking my way through this very carefully—will exploit her passions, which make her vulnerable to the charge that she's not 'careful enough.' But I admire these qualities in her. We need voices like Samantha Power. Whether she does this inside the government or as an outside writer is a story that's still unfolding.
We can't afford to continue to burn the decent people out of politics any more. I would think Obama understood this better than anyone. Hillary certainly doesn't.

UPDATE:
"Does this dress go with Darfur?"

Samantha Power throws back her beautiful head and laughs, then offers me a glass of Balkan Cabernet.
More from Dennis Perrin...

Wednesday, March 05, 2008

And a Shooting Range Under the Student Center, Please

Here's the scenario I imagine: I'm describing the format for the coming midterm to my gigantic sophomore lit section. I tell them the second portion of the test will require a structured essay response. Guns emerge from purses, backpacks, ankle holsters; these are laid gently, quietly on desktops. Outnumbered, even with my graduate assistant armed to the teeth himself (and we all know he's not looking forward to grading the essays, anyway), I relent. In an extreme close-up, you can see the sweat beading on my forehead: "OK," I concede "they don't have to be very thoughtfully structured."

No one moves. A series of extreme closeups cut with extreme closeups of me, typical college types all of them: the girl in pajamas with a scrunchy, wielding a pretty little .22 whose pearl handle, in relief, features her sorority letters; the well-groomed business major with some efficient, clip-loaded semi-automatic thing gleaming before him, me, nervous, my own pistol several feet away in my bag; the baseball-team scholarship student, usually so friendly, with his dad's borrowed colt revolver.

I relent some more: "all multiple choice." Some guns are reluctantly dragged back across desktops and re-concealed. "True or False," I say, "and matching." It appears I'm in the clear.

PHOENIX, Arizona: Horrified by recent campus shootings, an Arizona lawmaker has come up with a proposal in keeping with the Taurus .22-caliber pistol tucked in her purse: Get more guns on campus.

The lawmaker, State Senator Karen Johnson, has sponsored a bill, which the Arizona Senate Judiciary Committee approved last week, that would allow people with a concealed-weapons permit - limited to those 21 and older here - to carry their firearms at public colleges and universities. Concealed weapons are generally not permitted at most public establishments, including colleges.

Johnson, a Republican from Mesa, said she believed that the recent carnage at Northern Illinois University could have been prevented or limited if an armed student or professor had intercepted the gunman.

The police, she said, respond too slowly to such incidents and, besides, who better than the people staring down the barrel to take action?

She initially wanted her bill to cover all public schools, kindergarten and up, but other lawmakers convinced her it stood a better chance of passing if it were limited to higher education.

Bushian Palestine Policy

Two superb essays on Bush administration shenanigans in Palestine:

Tony Karon: U.S. Policy is Gasoline on the Gaza Fires

David Rose: The Gaza Bombshell


The blurb for the Rose piece:
After failing to anticipate Hamas’s victory over Fatah in the 2006 Palestinian election, the White House cooked up yet another scandalously covert and self-defeating Middle East debacle: part Iran-contra, part Bay of Pigs. With confidential documents, corroborated by outraged former and current U.S. officials, David Rose reveals how President Bush, Condoleezza Rice, and Deputy National-Security Adviser Elliott Abrams backed an armed force under Fatah strongman Muhammad Dahlan, touching off a bloody civil war in Gaza and leaving Hamas stronger than ever.

The Road Movie

At The Believer (via 3QD).

Hope and Fear

My goal is to have Hillary win the Democratic nomination because I believe McCain has a better chance of beating her vs. Obama. Not that I am very happy that McCain won the Republican nomination.
If there were a polar opposite to the hope that Obama has ignited in this country, it would have to be something as cynical and as hollow as this.
Sullivan....

Friends, Students, Bloggers

Up late getting the primary election returns fix through frequent refresh clicks on four different sites....

I've had the pleasure of having some terrific students over the years at NYU and at the University of Maryland, and several current and former students have blogs. Some are mostly personal and seldom updated. Look, they're busy writing papers... or policy... or traveling. Others are directed at a wider audience and are regularly updated (get back to work!).

I now take this opportunity to pay homage. Please pay them a visit.

Satire, Sports...
Wild Threads
Isaac Smith
1001 Tandoori Nights
Hey1Log
The Expanding Circle
Sunlight
The Adventures of Benjamin and Libby (see also their site, No Falling)
Dzutsev's Weblog
Walkin' Lawton
Where in the World Is Miel?

Tuesday, March 04, 2008

Bilimbi

A Little Reminder

The very worst US foreign policy disaster of our lifetime is the Iraq invasion and occupation. John McCain and Hillary Clinton supported it. Barack Obama didn't.

Yet... now what? Of course it's complicated. We - we, Americans, that is - are all implicated in the Iraq War. It doesn't matter if you didn't vote for Bush and never supported the war. Our system is quasi-democratic, which at least means that we give our tacit consent to domestic regimes we dislike or haven't personally chosen. So, we can't simply take a cavalier attitude towards either withdrawal of American troops or some idiotic "100 years" statement. We're responsible for a solution that saves Iraqi and American lives. The surge is a smokescreen, a cowardly policy option intended to buy time for the current administration. The real policy will be made by the next president.

But... do you trust someone who fully supports the war and suggests more of the same, someone who maybe or maybe not supports it, or someone has always been against it to make the right choices about what will in any case be an exceedingly difficult foreign policy mess to sort out?